West Indies captain Brian Lara said his side had been well beaten by Australia and they could have had no complaints.
Lara top-scored with 77 and Denesh Ramdin hit 52 but the hosts were all out for 219 to lose by 103 runs.
The loss of the early wickets left the hosts facing a near-impossible task and Lara lamented the batting performance in the opening 10 overs.
"The most important thing about chasing 300-plus is that one of the top three or four batters has to bat through," he said.
"To lose three wickets in under 10 overs I think that was a major setback and the major factor in the game.
"Myself and Ramnaresh Sarwan had to try to consolidate and rebuild the innings and in doing that of, course, we chewed up a lot of balls."
Lara, who batted at number five said he was not about to alter his batting line-up.
"I still have a lot of confidence in the guys up there, Chanderpaul got a hundred in our last game, Chris Gayle is an outstanding batsman," Lara said.
"Sarwan has been our top player in one-day games in the last couple of years and Marlon Samuels has been coming to the fore.
"One game is not going to change things but of course we are going to discuss it. I still have confidence in the top four to do the job that is required, though."
"They outplayed us over the two days. They deserve congratulations for a very good performance," he added.
It was a delayed, stop-start affair that was reduced to 21 overs-a-side but will go down as one of the biggest moments in Bangladesh's sporting history, a sweet seven-wicket triumph that surged them into the second stage of the World Cup. What a special gift for the nation on a very special day! Bangladesh made history by qualifying for the Super Eight stage of the Cricket World Cup with the event coinciding with the 36th anniversary of Independence Day celebrations.
Their comfortable victory meant that India were well and truly ousted from the 
competition, leaving Sri Lanka and Bangladesh to carry forward the Asian hopes from here on.
It was a wet, gloomy affair at the Queen's Park Oval but one that ended in a wave of Bangladeshi elation. They kepBermuda down to 94, largely owing to Mashrafe Mortaza and Abdur Razzak, and then got home by seven wickets in conditions where the ball was moving around prodigiously. Chasing a meagre 96, Bangladesh were shaky at 37 for 3 but Mohammad Ashraful and Saqibul Hasan stitched together a 59-run stand to seal the issue.
The feel-good bubble had to burst sometime, and Ireland will be relieved that it came in this match, with qualification for the Super Eights already guaranteed. They will take solace from the fact that they were shown up by a magnificent innings from Shivnarine Chanderpaul, and remain quietly confident that an upset or two remain possible even in the august company they'll find themselves in when they journey to Guyana.
Guyana of course is home to Chanderpaul, and there would have been more than a few celebrations in Unity village as he overcame his sluggish start to the competition with an innings of style and substance. Four fours in one over rather messed up Boyd Rankin's figures, and Andr� Botha's Scrooge-like spell against Pakistan was relegated to the recesses of the memory with two magnificent hits down the ground. The pick of the bunch was probably the six against Kyle McCallan though, traipsing down to the pitch of the ball and walloping it against the spin over the legside.
The emphatic nature of the victory also sets West Indies up nicely for a tilt at Australia in their opening game of the Super Eights. The return of Ian Bradshaw was clearly a positive, and the new-ball bowling of Daren Powell continues to be hugely impressive. If Jerome Taylor, who took a hat-trick against Australia in the Champions Trophy last October, can rediscover that sort of form, the West Indian attack won't cede ground to anyone. On the surfaces that they know so well, the offspin of Chris Gayle and the medium pace of Dwayne Bravo will be factors as well.
For Brian Lara, things are going as well as they could be. "We're building to a point where we want to get on to the bigger games, like Australia and South Africa. The majority of the batsmen have had a hit and that's good for us. We just need to up the ante a little bit."
The prospect of facing Australia in their opening Super Eights game didn't faze Lara. "We've done well against them in the recent past," he said. "And in the last couple of global tournaments since the 2003 World Cup, we've won one and finished runner-up in the other. We want to keep growing as a team."
He admitted that he would have preferred to see Pakistan go through from the group. "We thought they might be able to take points off some of the other teams in the Super Eights," he said candidly. "But Pakistan panicked, while Ireland held their own throughout. These things can happen."
So, on a day when India joined Pakistan on the tournament scrap heap, the hosts moved serenely on. They're not quite the finished article, but the atmosphere at the Sir Vivian Richards Stadium in Antigua should certainly inspire them on Tuesday. And if they can overcome Australia, the whispers of a return to the glory days will certainly grow a little louder. After such a miserable week for cricket, it was certainly heart-warming to see so many thousands heading home with a smile on their faces.
"We shall require a substantially new manner of thinking if mankind is to survive." -Albert Einstein
Is it advisable for one who is not an expert on economic and social issues to express views on the subject of socialism? I believe for a number of reasons that it is.
Let us first consider the question from the point of view of scientific knowledge. It might appear that there are no essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics: scientists in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for a circumscribed group of phenomena in order to make the interconnection of these phenomena as clearly understandable as possible. But in reality such methodological differences do exist. The discovery of general laws in the field of economics is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately. In addition, the experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the so-called civilized period of human history has -- as is well known -- been largely influenced and limited by causes which are by no means exclusively economic in nature. For example, most of the major states of history owed their existence to conquest. The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and economically, as the privileged class of the conquered country. They seized for themselves a monopoly of the land ownership and appointed a priesthood from among their own ranks. The priests, in control of education, made the class division of society into a permanent institution and created a system of values by which the people were thenceforth, to a large extent unconsciously, guided in their social behavior.
But historic tradition is, so to speak, of yesterday; nowhere have we really overcome what Thorstein Veblen called "the predatory phase" of human development. The observable economic facts belong to that phase and even such laws as we can derive from them are not applicable to other phases. Since the real purpose of socialism is precisely to overcome and advance beyond the predatory phase of human development, economic science in its present state can throw little light on the socialist society of the future.
Second, socialism is directed toward a social-ethical end. Science, however, cannot create ends and, even less, instill them in human beings; science, at most, can supply the means by which to attain certain ends. But the ends themselves are conceived by personalities with lofty ethical ideals and -- if these ends are not stillborn, but vital and vigorous -- are adopted and carried forward by those many human beings who, half-unconsciously, determine the slow evolution of society.
For these reasons, we should be on our guard not to overestimate science and scientific methods when it is a question of human problems; and we should not assume that experts are the only ones who have a right to express themselves on questions affecting the organization of society.
Innumerable voices have been asserting for some time now that human society is passing through a crisis, that its stability has been gravely shattered. It is characteristic of such a situation that individuals feel indifferent or even hostile toward the group, small or large, to which they belong. In order to illustrate my meaning, let me record here a personal experience. I recently discussed with an intelligent and well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would seriously endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supranational organization would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor, very calmly and coolly, said to me: "Why are you so deeply opposed to the disappearance of the human race?"
I am sure that as little as a century ago no one would have so lightly made a statement of this kind. It is the statement of a man who has striven in vain to attain an equilibrium within himself and has more or less lost hope of succeeding. It is the expression of a painful solitude and isolation from which so many people are suffering in these days. What is the cause? Is there a way out?
It is easy to raise such questions, but difficult to answer them with any degree of assurance. I must try, however, as best I can, although I am very conscious of the fact that our feelings and strivings are often contradictory and obscure and that they cannot be expressed in easy and simple formulas.
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being. As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being of society. It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The abstract concept "society" means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations. The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society -- in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence -- that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society. It is "society" which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word "society."
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be abolished -- just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments among human beings which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious thinking and wanting can play a part.
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition, during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through communication and through many other types of influences. It is this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the individual and society Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which predominate in society. It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay. In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The time -- which, looking back, seems so idyllic -- is gone forever when individuals or relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.
I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor -- not by force, but on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this respect, it is important to realize that the means of production -- that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods as well as additional capital goods -- may legally be, and for the most part are, the private property of individuals.
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call "workers" all those who do not share in the ownership of the means of production -- although this does not quite correspond to the customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value. In so far as the labor contract is "free," what the worker receives is determined not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists' requirements for labor power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of the smaller ones. The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.
The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized main principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers, through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form of the "free labor contract" for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the present-day economy does not differ much from "pure" capitalism.
Production is carried on for profit, not for use. There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always be in a position to find employment; an "army of unemployed" almost always exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers' goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence. Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow-men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to remember that a planned economy is not yet socialism. A planned economy as such may be accompanied by the complete enslavement of the individual. The achievement of socialism requires the solution of some extremely difficult socio-political problems: how is it possible, in view of the far-reaching centralization of political and economic power, to prevent bureaucracy from becoming all-powerful and overweening? How can the rights of the individual be protected and therewith a democratic counterweight to the power of bureaucracy be assured?
From Monthly Review, New York, May, 1949.
[Re-printed in Ideas and Opinions by Albert Einstein]
Transcribed by Lenny Gray
Bangladesh sealed a famous five-wicket victory against India with a thrilling performance in Port-of-Spain. Three of their teenagers passed fifty, 17-year-old Tamim Iqbal with calypso strokes in a stunning 51 off 53 balls. There were late scares but Mushfiqur Rahim, aged 18, took them to the 192 target with nine deliveries remaining. Rahul Dravid chose to bat but when he fell in the 25th over India were 72-4, and though Sourav Ganguly and Yuvraj Singh shared 85 it was insufficient. Iqbal's spirit was exemplified in the seventh over, bowled by left-arm paceman Zaheer Khan. India were convinced they had dismissed him at slip when the ball flew close to his gloves and ricocheted off his grille. 606: DEBATE Give your thoughts on the match Having engaged in some forthright discussion with the bowler, Iqbal smashed the final two balls of the over for four and embarked on a flurry of remarkable strokes. The pick of them was also against Zaheer. Having hit successive fours earlier in the over, he took a step down the pitch and piroueted into a drive, despatching the ball against the wall of the upper tier of the stand beyond wide long-on. Aftab Ahmed's shot selection was not so good, however, and his attempted pull to a full delivery that trapped him bang in front and made it 79-3 was particularly ill-advised. When it appeared the Tigers may be feeling the pressure, 19-year-old Saqibul Hasan took the runs required below 100 with a confident cut for four off Agarkar. Sachin Tendulkar is dismissed Tendulkar is gleefully pouched by keeper Mushfiqur Rahim Next, Rahim brought up the team's 100 in style with a glorious, towering straight six having advanced down the pitch to Harbhajan. Dravid turned to Sachin Tendulkar but by this stage the batsmen had put the enormity of the situation to the back of their minds and were comfortably nudging their way patiently towards victory. Not that they at any point went on the defensive. Saqibul slapped the first ball of Munaf Patel's new spell straight back past him. He reached his third ODI fifty in fabulous fashion, striding down the wicket and lofting Harbhajan over cover for six. India looked a beaten side but Virender Sehwag atoned for his lack of runs by enticing the left-hander down the pitch unnecessarily for a stumping. If Saqib's dismissal for 53 was excusable, Habibul Bashar's in almost identical fashion for one, was not. Harbhajan spilled a low chance in the deep when seven runs were needed and the ebullient Tigers were not to be denied, Rahim appropriately striking the winning runs to finish unbeaten on 56. Having won only once in 14 meetings with India, the Tigers cannot have been in overly-confident mood, particularly after failing to win a match in South Africa four years ago. But they came into the match with 17 victories from their last 20 matches, albeit against lower grade opponents. Tamim Iqbal Iqbal's scintillating strokeplay gave Bangladesh a fantastic start Their new-ball pairing of Mashrafe Mortaza and Syed Rasel immediately applied the pressure and were rewarded in the third over. Out-of-form Sehwag, with only one fifty in his last 13 innings, tried to cut a ball that seamed back from Mortaza and edged into his stumps. The first boundary came in the sixth over but in the next Robin Uthappa drove Mortaza to point. After 14 overs the first bowling change brought success, as left-arm spinner Abdur Razzak snared the prize wicket of Tendulkar. The maestro hit one sumptuous four off his toes but got an inside edge into his pad and the ball looped gently to wicketkeeper Rahim. When nagging left-arm seamer Rasel was bowled through, 25 consecutive overs of slow left-arm followed, 30 in total for the innings. Again a change resulted in immediate success, Mohammad Rafique's first ball trapping Dravid, the captain infuriated with the decision as the ball appeared to drift down the leg-side. Yuvraj flicked the only six of the innings to record the 150 in the 42nd over, but in the next he was back in the hutch after top-edging to short fine-leg. Attempting to charge Rafique, Ganguly succeeded only in flat-batting to mid-wicket. Any threat of Mahendra Dhoni blasting his team out of trouble ended three balls later when he cut to point for a duck as a total of five wickets fell for two runs in 10 balls, which left India 159-9. Last pair Zaheer and Patel hit two fours each to add 32 from 28 balls which but might have significant, but Iqbal and his young colleagues had other ideas.
Captain Brian Lara guided West Indies into the Super 8 phase with 44 not out as they beat Zimbabwe by six wickets. Chris Gayle (40) and Shivnarine Chanderpaul (21) had given the hosts a good start with an opening stand of 73 before they both edged catches to slip. Ramnaresh Sarwan and Marlon Samuels also fell, but Lara and Dwayne Bravo saw them home with 13 balls to spare. Sean Williams (70 not out) and Brendan Taylor (50) had earlier helped Zimbabwe make 202-5 after losing early wickets. The hosts went into the game knowing that victory would see them become the second team after Australia to book their place in the second phase. As Lara won the toss and put Zimbabwe in, his fast bowlers took an early stranglehold on the match after both sides, wearing black armbands, had observed a minute's silence for the late Bob Woolmer. 606: DEBATE It wasn't a convincing victory Mike Pacemen Jerome Taylor and Daren Powell removed the Zimbabwe top three cheaply with Friday Kasteni, one of three changes to the side, yorked by Taylor off the first ball of the second over. His partner Vusi Sibanda then foolishly shouldered arms and was clean bowled by Powell, leaving Zimbabwe reeling at 2-2. Although Lara kept the pressure on and took both powerplays immediately, Powell and Taylor allowed their line to stray and sent down a number of wides to push the score along. But just as it looked as if Zimbabwe were building a recovery, Justice Chibhabha was bowled by Taylor, and soon Stuart Matsikenyeri spooned a catch to Powell at mid-on from the bowling of Dwayne Smith to leave them 59-4. It was left to wicket-keeper Brendan Taylor to stem the tide for the African side, and he was supported well by Williams as they put on 83 in 23 overs before a mix-up saw Taylor stranded in mid-pitch and run out. West Indies players observe a minute's silence for the late Bob Woolmer A minute's silence was observed for the late Bob Woolmer Then Williams, who made his fourth ODI half-century, and Elton Chigumbura accelerated during the final overs and give the total a respectability which could not have been anticipated after those early wickets. Powell also had time to judge, juggle and ultimately drop a skier in the deep from Williams in the 47th over. With the required run-rate just 4.06 per over, Gayle and Chanderpaul made a steady start. As the pair eventually began to cut loose, Gayle brought up the fifty stand with an enormous straight six off Tawanda Mupariwa - and cleared the ropes twice more off the next two deliveries. Zimbabwe captain Prosper Utseya rotated his bowlers in an attempt to stem the tide, and bowled some tidy off-spin himself, conceding just 26 runs in his 10 overs. The breakthrough came when Chanderpaul edged Chigumbura to slip where Sibanda took a low catch - and the opener walked without waiting for the umpire's verdict. The very next over, wicket-keeper Taylor got a hand to Gayle's edge, but Sibanda was alert enough to catch the rebound - and with both openers gone, the Windies were suddenly 73-2 with two new batsmen in. Ramnaresh Sarwan and Marlon Samuels brought the hundred up before Sarwan gave a return catch to seamer Anthony Ireland - which brought captain Lara to the crease. Lara and Samuels eased the total along until Samuels slashed Tawanda Mupariwa to Chibhabha at point for 28, leaving them 129-4 with 17 overs remaining. Zimbabwe were potentially one or two wickets away from having a great chance of an upset against the hosts. But Lara, who hit just one boundary during his first 34 runs, made sure his side kept up with the run rate as he passed 1,000 World Cup runs and he enjoyed an unbroken stand of 75 with Bravo. All-rounder Bravo also played his part, pulling Mpofu over the boundary for six as he made an unbeaten 37 - although he was dropped at fine leg on 32 by substitute fielder Gary Brent, on for the injured Ireland, off Christopher Mpofu. Lara finished it off in style, swatting Chigumbura for a four and then a six to finish on 44 not out and win the match.
Kingston, Jamaica, March 13 - West Indian all-rounder Dwayne Smith dominated with bat and ball to ensure the World Cup hosts opened the competition with a 54-run victory over Group D rivals Pakistan at Sabina Park on Tuesday. West Indies made 241 for nine and then bowled Pakistan out for 187. It marked a superb return to form after they were crushed by India by nine wickets having been skittled for 85 in their final warm-up game on Friday. "It was a very good team effort," West Indies skipper Brian Lara told reporters. "We only used five bowlers and they all bowled very well. "I was satisfied with the score we made after the start we had and thought the guys played well over the last eight overs. That gave us impetus." Batting at number eight, man-of-the-match Smith's cameo of 32 from 15 balls pushed his side to a competitive total and then his medium-pace bowling turned the game in West Indies' direction. He claimed the vital wickets of Mohammad Yousuf and Pakistan skipper Inzamam-ul-Haq in a return of three for 36. "I have been working really hard in the nets ... all I really wanted to do was help the team to win," said Smith. "We just have to keep doing the basics well now." It was an impressive performance from the Caribbean side with major batting contributions from Marlon Samuels (63), Ramnaresh Sarwan (49) and captain Brian Lara making 37. Later seamer Dwayne Bravo took three for 42. POLE POSITION The win gives West Indies pole position in the group ahead of their games against Zimbabwe and Ireland and two points to take into the Super Eights stage, presuming both teams qualify. Despite the early loss of opener Chris Gayle and Shivnarine Chanderpaul, West Indies took a grip on the game thanks to an impressive demonstration of strokeplay from Samuels who reached his fifty off 56 balls. He reached his half-century with a thumping straight six off Shoaib Malik. The hosts, who have shown a tendency towards middle-order slumps, could easily have lost their way following the dismissals of Samuels and Lara -- both victims of part-time off-spinner Mohammed Hafeez. But Smith, who hit three fours and two sixes in his late show, helped West Indies to pile on 58 runs in the last five overs and set a challenging total for Pakistan to chase. The West Indies pace attack inflicted early damage with Daren Powell claiming openers Imran Nazir and Hafeez and Jerome Taylor dismissed Younis Khan as Pakistan stumbled to 39 for three. But then Inzamam and Yousuf dug in with a patient partnership, keeping their cool despite being tied down by some accurate bowling, particularly from the consistent line and length of Corey Collymore. Smith broke the partnership having Yousuf caught behind for 37 as he edged an attempted cut shot to leave Pakistan 99 for four and then he turned the game when he trapped Inzamam leg before for 36. With Smith's next ball, Kamran Akmal was sent on his way, caught brilliantly at point by a diving Dwayne Bravo. Bravo then dealt with the lower order himself with the wickets of Rana Naved-ul-Hasan, Rao Iftikhar and Umar Gul. With wickets running out and the run-rate rising, it needed some individual brilliance for Pakistan to turn the game around and Shoaib Malik made a lone effort with an aggressive innings of 62 from just 54 balls before he was caught at long off.
Nobel Laureate Prof Dr Muhammad Yunus yesterday in a letter to all Bangladeshis living at home and abroad sought their support, opinion and advice as to what role they would play if he launched a political party and what steps he should take to make the idea a success.
The two-page letter, which explained the state of existing politics based on 'polluted culture and practice and was launched through journalists, sought public opinions on 18 specific organisational areas, divided equally into parts, of his party.
The first part dwelt with issues, including how a nationwide organisational network of the party could be developed down from the village to the center, selection of honest and efficient candidates for polls as well as preventing the officials working in different institutions of the state from becoming party activists.
In the second part, Dr Yunus wanted know how the people, be it as an individual, community or professional group, would help or participate in his political projects. If the answer is 'yes', he wants them to let him know as to how they would work—as leaders, organisers, activists or supporters.
Moreover, seeking a written reply to his letter from the respondent either as an individual, a group or a community, he wanted to know whether the people was considering his joining would help 'clean' politics and establish a 'pollution free and dedicated politics' replacing the existing 'polluted and outdated politics'.
Terming his initiative as 'new politics', the Nobel Peace Prize winner said, "I want to get opinions from political leaders, workers, industrialists, businessmen, professors, teachers, shopkeepers, labourers, farmers, professionals, artists, novelists, journalists, service-holders, housewives, youths, expatriates and others."
He admitted that it would not be easy to reach the goal with slight support and said it would not be possible to steer clear of the outmoded politics "if we cannot make a strong initiative to create a new politics".
The founder of Grameen Bank, said, "I am aware that joining in the fray of politics means nothing but becoming controversial. Even then I am ready to take the risk if the people feel my participation will help create a new political environment in the country."
He said he would launch the proposed party if he gets tremendous public response.
"I will not enter the arena of politics the letter fails to gain strong feedback (backing) from the people," he added.
When asked, he said there was no justification hold the stalled general election hurriedly to elect those people who vitiated the political culture, destroyed democratic practice and corrupted the whole society and system, including the politics.
He told another questioner that his proposed political party would contest the next general elections, if and when it takes place.
In his letter Prof Yunus said the necessary steps being taken by the Caretaker Government for radical changes in the crisis-ridden politics are making him "optimistic" like the people of the country.
"In this context, I am feeling with heart that I should participate in the huge task of putting the nation in its cherished position. But it is now clear to all that it is not possible at all to achieve that under the current political culture—it is only possible through its radical changes," he said.
He pointed out that the people of the country could make possible anything that was impossible if they got the chance. "My main goal will be to establish political goodwill, qualified leadership and good governance."
Reciprocating the enormous love and honour he got from the countrymen, he said, "I am ready to take risk of being controversial if you think that my entry into politics will help open a new political horizon."
The Nobel laureate thinks it is the high time to construct a new political structure by getting rid of previous frustration.
In the letter Prof Yunus urged the people from all strata of society to send their opinions about building a good and effective political party.
He urged all to respond to his call to his e-mail addresses: prof.yunus@gmail.com and dryunus 2006@yahoo.com or by post to Hul Murs, 6/D, 66 Outer Circular Road, Maghbazar, Dhaka: Fax: 9334656.
The 'Banker of the Poor' distributed the letter among reporters who went to Zia International Airport to cover his departure for India on a second eventful trip to the neighboring country in two weeks.
President Bush and his left-wing nemesis Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez squared off on dueling tours of Latin America on Friday as they vied for the region's hearts and minds.
The ideological rivalry intensified as Bush arrived in Uruguay, the second stop of his tour, while Chavez drew support from thousands of Argentines at an 'anti-imperialist' rally across the River Plate in neighboring Argentina.
Chavez led the crowd of union workers and leftists in shouting 'Gringo, Go Home!' against Bush.
Bush is on a five-nation tour that began in Brazil and is aimed at improving his standing in Latin America, where the Iraq war and US trade and immigration policies are deeply unpopular.
Chavez, an ally of communist Cuban leader Fidel Castro, has led a growing anti-US bloc in recent years and rarely misses a chance to rail against American 'imperialism'.
Thousands of Uruguayans took to the streets on Friday, some shouting 'Get out, Bush!'. Dozens of masked protesters, many wielding sticks and hurling rocks, shattered the windows of three McDonald's stores.
'We Uruguayans have to show we reject Bush even if the government welcomes him with open arms,' said one peaceful protester, Alejandro Piriz, 72.
Earlier on Friday, Bush met Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, a moderate leftist who Washington sees as a potential counterweight to Chavez, and the two announced an ethanol fuel development plan for the Americas.
Bush's 'ethanol diplomacy' plus new aid pledges are seen as an attempt to offset Chavez's use of Venezuela's oil wealth to court a new generation of Latin American leftist leaders in his quest for a regionwide socialist revolution. "
West Indies captain Brian Lara said his side had been well beaten by Australia and they could have had no complaints.
